a boy's endless search for adventure inside and outside the city limits, inside and outside himself.
Sunday, January 31, 2010
ipad
Honestly I think it looks cool but I'd rather save up for a macbook pro. C'mon, it can't even multi-task. What's up with that?
It does look pretty though. So what do you think of the new ipad?
Friday, January 29, 2010
Movie Review: Paano na Kaya
"Is Manny Villar blameless? Is the Pope Protestant?
Manny Villar blameless?
By Solita Collas-Monsod
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 01:06:00 01/30/2010
Filed Under: Manny Villar, Eleksyon 2010, Elections
WHILE the Senate is declaring a moratorium on the discussion of the ethics case against Sen. Manny Villar, here are some incontrovertible facts, presented in Q & A form. The source of the information is also given.
Question: What roadway projects are the subject matter of the Villar ethics controversy? Answer: 1. The Manila Cavite Toll Expressway Project (MCTEP), the original C-5 south extension project, linking SLEX with the Coastal Road; 2. the DPWH C-5 Extension project (CX-5), which together with 3. the Las Piñas-Parañaque Link Project (LPPLP), also links SLEX with the Coastal Road. Source: Senate Report (SR) 780.
Q: Is the CX-5/LPPLP project a realignment, as Sen. Jamby Madrigal describes it, or has there been no realignment, as Senator Villar’s allies insist? A: Technically there has been no realignment, because these are two separate roads linking C-5 from SLEX to the Coastal Road. But they are very close together and, in some areas, overlap, as can be ascertained from a site map. Source: interactive map available at www.gmanews.tv
Q: Are there any differences between the MCTEP and the CX-5/LPPLP? A: Yes. 1. The MCTEP is a joint-venture project between the government and a private Malaysian partner, with the government’s financial exposure limited to P2.68 billion for the purchase of the road right-of-way; the private partner is responsible for the construction of the project, for which tolls will be charged. The CX-5/LPPLP is a toll-free, wholly-financed government project costing P6.96 billion; 2. The CX-5/LPPLP is longer than the MCTEP, its extra length essentially covering the LPPLP portion; 3. The CX-5/LPPLP passes through more Villar properties than the MCTEP. Source: DPWH project documents cited as Exhibits A, B and TTTT in SR 780; site map from www.gmanews.tv.
Q: How large are the Villar company landholdings in the immediate vicinity of the questioned road projects? A: At least 50-52 hectares: 40 hectares in the vicinity of the LPPLP; 10-12 hectares in the area between Sucat Road and Multinational Avenue. Source: testimony of Anastacio Adriano Jr., senior vice president and general manager, chief operating officer of Adelfa Properties Inc. and other Villar-owned companies up to 2008; self-styled consultant and political officer of Senator Villar since August 2008. Nota bene: Senate employment records do not include his name. Nota bene: it is not clear whether the 50-52 hectares mentioned above include properties cited in SR 780—roughly 10 hectares in area—to be developed by Villar companies in joint venture with their owners.
Q: What is the involvement of Villar in CX-5 and LPPLP? A: 1. The Project Feasibility Study of the DPWH for CX-5 states: “The conceptualization of and the initial release of funds for the CX-5 Project was initiated by Sen. Manuel Villar whose same efforts also paved the way for the funding of the Las Piñas-Parañaque Link Road [LPPLP]”; 2. Various insertions and amendments (Priority Development Assistance Fund, read pork barrel) in the national government budget over the years 2002-2008 for CX-5 and LPPLP; 3. Adriano (cited above), in the office of and presence of Villar, dictating to the director general of the Senate’s Legislative Budget Research and Monitoring Office (LBRMO) Villar’s proposed amendments to the 2008 budget, including a P400-million appropriation for the CX-5. Source: documents submitted by DPWH, lawyer Yolanda Doblon of the LBRMO, testimony of both Doblon and Adriano, cited in SR 780.
Q: Were the Villar properties bought for road right-of-way overpriced? A: SR 780 argues for the affirmative; PSR 1472 (the resolution signed by Villar and his allies exonerating him from all charges) argues for the negative. This calls for a conclusion of the reader. And to help that along, I have—based on the documented prices and acreage of the lands purchased in connection with the LPPLP—computed the weighted average prices that were paid for the Villar and related properties, and those paid for the non-Villar properties. The results: The Villar/related properties, comprising 23,455 square meters, were bought for P168.1 million. The non-Villar properties, comprising 11,685 square meters, were bought for P22 million. That comes to a weighted average of P7,168 per square meter for Villar’s properties, and P1,880 per square meter for the non-Villar properties. That has to be a statistically significant difference.
Given the above facts—which no one can contest, since they are based on official documents, and not on a he-says-she-says set of assertions—it has to be reasonable to conclude:
1. Since there was already an ongoing project (the MCTEP) linking C-5 to the Coastal Road, it was totally unnecessary to build a second one.
2. Which means that there was a waste of scarce resources. Instead of using only P2.6 billion of government funds for the first project, the government had to spend an additional P6.9 billion for the second, which practically duplicated the first, except for the additional length which happily for Senator Villar, traversed his properties.
3. This unnecessary, wasteful project was certainly Villar’s idea. It is specious to argue that it is a DPWH project. As the DPWH feasibility study states (in black and white), both the CX-5 and the LPPLP were conceived and initially funded by Villar.
4. Villar benefited tremendously from the second project. Certainly, his companies were paid significantly more per square meter for the road right of way (which were mostly bought from him). But that pales into insignificance compared with the tremendous increase in the values of his real estate holdings in the area—at least 50-52 hectares.
Is he blameless? Is the Pope protestant?
Monday, January 25, 2010
Movie Review:Avatar
Movie Review: Jay
Thursday, January 21, 2010
What would you do if you won the lottery?
Bookshelf:Holidays on Ice
I particularly enjoyed the story about two competing households. They tried to outbuild each others' houses. That's how they started at least. They end up competing for the most generous in town. Extreme generosity, that is.
There's also a story on an elf, a santa and a tc network executive.
Nothing like this book to give a different Christmas perspective.
Erap has strong knees (He just can't stop running)
So the COMELEC, the very same institution that banned ANG LADLAD from running because they think that the party promotes immorality is allowing ERAP and GMA to run for president.
Ha?
Lack of a backbone it is. From here.
Passing the buck
Philippine Daily InquirerFirst Posted 22:12:00 01/21/2010Filed Under: Elections
MANILA, Philippines--The decision of the ever-more- controversial second division of the Commission on Elections to allow former President Joseph Estrada to run for president again is, in a word, spineless. It is bureaucratic cowardice masquerading as populist philosophy. We share the view of millions of Filipinos that the Constitution—and the Constitution alone—bars Estrada from running for the presidency again. But if the Comelec had allowed the former president, convicted but immediately pardoned of the crime of plunder in 2007, to run on solid legal grounds, we would have respected the reasoning behind the ruling.
Instead, we have this: “In the end, it is the Filipino people who would act as the final arbiter on whether they would have Estrada sit again as president. It is the electorate’s choice of who their president should be. The better policy approach is to let the people decide who will be the next president.” The basic idea in the second division’s decision is said three times, perhaps because, stated baldly, by itself, its thinness as an argument cannot be disguised. But repeated, it sounds almost reasonable.
There is just one problem with it: It undermines the Comelec’s own power to screen candidates for the presidency. If it is indeed true, as the division chaired by Commissioner Nicodemo Ferrer asserts, that the “better policy approach is to let the people decide who will be the next president,” why did the commission disqualify dozens of aspiring candidates? Set aside, for now, the question of qualifications imposed by the Constitution itself: Assuming that all aspirants who had filed certificates of candidacy met the basic qualifications, why allow only 10 to run if the “better policy approach” is to let the electorate decide?
The second division’s main justification for allowing Estrada to run again, therefore, does not justify anything. It merely passes the responsibility for deciding on Estrada’s qualification, under cover of a populist let-the-people-decide argument, to the Supreme Court.
But we also share the common view that it is in fact one of the Comelec’s most crucial responsibilities to screen presidential (and other) candidates. To follow the Estrada doctrine-in-the-making of letting the people decide on strictly legal or constitutional matters involving election cases is to weaken yet another political institution. (This undermining of institutions fits into the true Estrada legacy, but whether Estrada was a good chief executive or not is, strictly speaking, irrelevant to the legal and constitutional issue of a president’s reelection.) We need the Comelec, then, to qualify all candidates. That includes former presidents too.
The second division’s main argument for allowing Estrada to run again, therefore, represents an abdication on the part of the Comelec of its mandated responsibility to qualify all candidates for elective office. Whether because of Estrada’s celebrity, or because of the uniqueness of the case (nobody before Estrada had dared to run for reelection as president under the 1987 Constitution, although if the Supreme Court sustains the Comelec we can anticipate President Macapagal-Arroyo considering a reelection bid in 2016), or because the Comelec had earlier been embarrassed by reversals by the Supreme Court, the second division essentially followed the time-hallowed bureaucratic practice of passing the buck.
Its decision weighed two choices: an absolute ban on re-election, which is in fact how the Constitutional Commission of 1986 saw the issue and which explains why the restriction in the constitutional provision is on “any re-election”; or a limited ban, which is how Estrada’s lawyers argued the case and which explains their insistence on “The President” as the key phrase in the provision. But instead of deliberately choosing one or the other option, the second division opted to appeal to public opinion. It ruled, quoting existing jurisprudence, that “on political questions, this court may err but the sovereign people will not.”
Again, it all sounds reasonable, until we take a closer look. Why did the commissioners view Estrada’s disqualification case as a political question, and not as the legal and constitutional issue it really is? It comes down to backbone, or the lack of it.
Bookshelf: The Witches
And boy, let me tell you I had the same giddiness reading it as when I watched it. I was a kid again. The Witches is a dark comedy for kids. Imagine, any old lady you see on the street could be a witch who simply hates children, who wish to rid the world of children by turning them into a mouse!
What's so wonderful is that the movie used most of the lines, characters and events in the book. The biggest difference is the ending. Dahl's remains faithful to the dark tone set at the beginning of the book while the movie's was more sugary.
I personally enjoyed better the movie's ending. But I find the book's ending more logical. I was never a fan of logic.
Cemeteries and Lanzones
I wish I had more time to explore the city. This means I'll be back soon!
Restaurant Review: Red Platter
Over the weekend, I had the chance to visit Naga for the first time. Apparently there are a lot of restaurants in Naga that serve more than your regular Bicol Express.
Red Platter serves all kinds of dishes from Pastas to Pizzas to Filipino food. We decided to stick to Filipino. I honestly do not remember how these dishes tasted, but I guess they were pretty decent. Forgettable but decent.
There's one of my favorite Jesuits! Fr. Rudy Fernandez. Yes, that's his real name.
I give red platter a C+
ThinkActPeace
Here's another sunset picture. Just because.
at the airport
I was even able to sketch some of the people beside me. Of course I tried my best not to get caught by my subjects est they get insulted.
My first subject was this old woman in front of me. I loved the crazy floral print on her shirt.
Then there were these 2 nuns. My initial focus on the nun on the left was her habit. Then she turned sideways and her nose got my attention. I tried inserting it in the sketch, then the drawing just became awry. Too bad.
On the plane I drew this guy who looked like Homer Simpson. Hehe.Thanks PJ for the journal! I love the smooth blank pages. Here's to more emo notes and feeling artsy sketches!Friday, January 15, 2010
Regulation
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 23:18:00 01/15/2010
Filed Under: Elections, Eleksyon 2010, Politics
EVEN WEEKS BEFORE THE OPENING OF THE formal campaign season, several politicians, especially presidential candidates, have been running fancy political advertisements trumpeting their virtues. Many of the ads are extensive, even running beyond the standard 30-seconder, such as Manuel Villar’s, and fueling speculations as to who are funding them. The standard line is that they are paid for by “Friends of [the candidate].” And that should lay the speculations to rest.
But does it really? The fact is that the catch-all phrase has become a cliché that does not satisfy the requirements of transparency. In fact, it has merely succeeded in obscuring further the real identities of the people who have contributed to a candidate’s campaign. It has merely served to disguise the shadowy figures financing a candidacy. It does not anymore serve the ends of clean and honest elections.
While the Omnibus Election Code of the Philippines deals extensively with electoral contributions and expenditures, the lengthiness now seems to be there to impress rather than ensure transparency. For example, Section 98 demands that a contributor must use his real name, obviously to discourage dummies or proxies and prohibits any candidate from receiving a contribution or recording the same under any name other than that of the person who actually made the contribution. The following section says the contributor should report his contribution not later than 30 days after the election. Despite the elaborate regulations, it is quite easy for the contributor to ignore them. The more elaborate they are, the greater the incentive for not filing the declaration.
In the same manner, the rather elaborate system of checking campaign expenditures merely serves to forestall any hope of transparency. Aside from the candidate declaring his expenditures, business firms contracted to provide the services and supplies for which the expenditures are made are required to file declarations.
The fact that the declarations have to be made after the election does not contribute to ensuring the fair and intelligent conduct of the election. The measures to make the election sound credible take place after the balloting, when they will not have any influence on the voting. It seems ironic that pre- and post-election, the Comelec is at a loss on how to implement fair and honest elections. Considering the inability of the poll body, for instance, to stop premature campaigning, how is it going to run after politicians and donors if they have accepted or made illegal campaign contributions based on their respective declarations? That is, if they have filed at all truthful declarations?
In the case of candidates for president, it is doubly important that the electorate know right now who are contributing to their campaigns. If it is important, for example, for the electorate to know what sort of family a candidate comes from, the spouse he keeps, and the children he tends to, it should be even more important for them to know the sources of his campaign funds and the kind of friends he keeps.
It is important that the electorate know the identities of a candidate’s “friends” during, not after, the election campaign. This would stop shadowy groups from supporting a candidate who is perceived to be a shoo-in for a position in order to be in his good graces and collect—or cash in—on the debt when he’s elected in office. It would also check special interest groups from candidate-shopping, that is, contributing to opposing candidates so as to keep all the bases covered. By identifying themselves, lobbyists and other interests would be forced to put their money where their mouth is. It would also protect businesses and other interests from being forced by a candidate to make contributions even if the former do not believe in him. Identifying the names of campaign contributors would ensure more transparency and a more intelligent vote.
Too often, Philippine elections are perceived as a carnival, passing diversions and escapist entertainment from the reality of a sham democracy. Those glossy political ads on broadcast merely serve to reinforce that perception, and more: they impress upon us that our elections are financial high-wire acts that are fueled by commercial interests often masquerading as political support—in short, as warm and cozy friendships. We ought to be told who these “friends” are. Then we would know truly the candidates and what they stand for.
500,000
Anne oh anne
oops I did it again - James Yap
So I heard from credible sources ( and when I say credible I mean chismis websites like this and this ) that Kris Aquino had a quarrel with another one of her husband's girlfriend.
profile
skinny jeans
This is one fashion trend that I sincerely hope would go away soon. Although I must admit I own a pair, which I only wore twice before I realized: I'm not skinny enough for them jeans and they're really really uncomfortable.